Yemen, an almost forgotten humanitarian catastrophe
Michael EJ Phillips
With all that goes on in the world – natural disasters, wars and so on – it is often the case that certain people and the situations they find themselves in become forgotten or overlooked. This is most certainly the case with the current situation in Sudan, and also with that in Yemen.
Since the extremist Houthi armed group took control of Sana'a in September 2014, Yemen has been a fractured country. The legitimate government has moved to Aden, while the Houthis control northern Yemen and the capital Sana'a, imposing an authoritarian regime. The country is in a state of permanent latent war, with regular tensions on the front lines between the area occupied by the Houthis and the rest of the country, despite the truce that has been in place since its official expiry in October 2022.
The United Arab Emirates announced its withdrawal from Yemen in the summer of 2019, with clashes breaking out between the forces of the legitimate government and the Southern Transitional Council (a southern separatist movement created in 2017) in Aden and its surroundings. In November 2019, the Riyadh agreements, sponsored by Saudi Arabia, were signed by both parties in order to end the clashes. These however have continued sporadically.
Yemen experienced an unprecedented period of truce from April to October 2022. It was accompanied by conditions such as facilitating the arrival of oil tankers in the port of Hodeida (under Houthi control), opening up air routes from Sana’a, and opening up the main access roads to Taiz (a point not implemented by the Houthis). Faced with the failure in renewing the truce, the international community recognised the Houthis' responsibility and praised the efforts of the Yemeni government. The latter remains weakened by internal divisions, which the Presidential Council, established and chaired by Rachad Al-Alimi since April 2022, is attempting to resolve.
The situation on the ground remains highly volatile. Since the end of the truce in October 2022, only sporadic incidents of significance have been reported (five Bahraini soldiers belonging to the Coalition killed in a Houthi attack in September 2023). On the other hand, fighting with government forces, while remaining low-intensity, continues on a daily basis, with the Houthis initiating the majority of these clashes. The Houthis have also carried out drone attacks on government-controlled oil terminals.
These actions, which have been condemned by the international community, are part of the economic war that the Houthis are waging against the government camp. Terrorist groups, mainly Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP - Ansar Al-Sharia), continue to operate in Yemen, mainly in the south-central governorates of the country (Abyan and Shabwa). Since October 2023, as part of the ‘axis of resistance’ of which they are an active member and under the pretext of supporting the Palestinians in Gaza, the Houthis have significantly degraded maritime security in the Red Sea, on the one hand by launching strikes against Israel (mostly from the sea) and on the other by targeting commercial vessels (actually or allegedly linked to Israel) through the use of drones, anti-ship missiles and ballistic missiles. These increasingly indiscriminate actions threaten commercial shipping in the Red Sea and have led the United States (and the United Kingdom on one occasion) to carry out retaliatory strikes against Houthi-operated land-based launch sites.
In order to achieve a lasting resolution to the conflict, the Saudis and UN Special Envoy Hans Grundberg are engaged in direct talks with the Houthis, initiated by Omani mediation. On 23 December 2023, the Yemeni government and the Houthis agreed to a ceasefire and the preparation of a political process to end the war in Yemen, under the auspices of the United Nations. However, the current context of high tensions in the Red Sea since the start of the war in Gaza in October 2023 calls into question the continuation of the political process and the implementation of the roadmap.
The humanitarian situation remains very poor. Of the country's nearly 32 million inhabitants, 21.6 million are in need of humanitarian assistance. The costant conflict and deterioration of the economic situation – exacerbated by the consequences of the war in Ukraine, particularly on food security – are contributing to a continuing deterioration in the living conditions of Yemenis. According to the World Food Programme, Yemen is one of the countries of greatest concern in terms of the risk of famine. In addition, humanitarian aid is threatened by the security situation (access restrictions, targeted killings and abductions of humanitarian personnel) and now by tensions in the Red Sea. Because over 70% of Yemen's population live in Houthi-controlled areas in the north of the country, particularly in the major urban centres of Sana'a and Hudaydah, it means that any military or economic pressure disproportionately affects civilians.
Israeli air strikes have severely hampered humanitarian access, damaging cranes and docks, slowing the unloading of imports, while the loss of fuel reserves limits the distribution of essential supplies. With Yemen dependent on imports for 90% of its food supply, much of which arrives through Red Sea ports such as Hudaydah and Salif, these attacks have pushed the country towards famine. The Houthis have at the same time intensified their crackdown on humanitarian aid, including detaining aid workers, imposing strict conditions on the delivery of aid and diverting humanitarian distribution to their allies.
This severely limits the ability of international agencies to operate independently in Yemen, allowing the Houthis to maintain control over their territories and even use aid as political leverage in negotiations. The Iran-backed rebels, designated as a terrorist group by the United States and the United Kingdom, are known to obstruct humanitarian access and manipulate aid distribution for political purposes. This has made Western governments and donors increasingly reluctant to fund operations in Yemen. The designation of the Houthis as a terrorist group by the US and UK could harm civilians more than the armed group itself, while leading to further waves of mass displacement in the coming years. This could have serious consequences for neighbouring Gulf states.
With the Doha Forum having just begun, which draws both world and regional leaders together, it is essential that those present make concerted efforts through dialogue and discussion to resolve the situation in Yemen – not only for the Yemeni people, but because in doing so, such efforts for peace would resonate across the wider Middle East.